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  • A Way Forward For The UUP? by Buffy Maguire

    The Ulster Unionist Party has set up a new disciplinary committee to decide on a punishment for MPs Jeffrey Donaldson, Martin Smyth and David Burnside for resigning from the party whip at Westminster in late June in an attempt to increase pressure on David Trimble's leadership and his approval of the British-Irish joint declaration.

    The new disciplinary committee will not convene for three weeks in which time party officers are hoping that through negotiations they will reach a compromise.

    An earlier attempt in July to suspend the three failed when the High Court in Belfast ruled that the previous disciplinary committee was improperly set up and ordered the UUP pay the legal fees of the action.

    "Further disciplinary action is not the way to deal with the party's problems. Following the High Court ruling that the previous action was unlawful, I would say this caused a lot of damage to the party's credibility. Now is the time for party officers to reflect on that. Instead of going down the road of further action, steps must be taken to address the problems in the Ulster Unionist Party, and especially the concerns of the three MPs, half of the party and 70 percent of the unionist electorate about the direction of the party", said Donaldson.

    A power struggle within the UUP between Trimble and Donaldson has been contentious for several months with Donaldson openly
    challenging Trimble at every opportunity.

    Donaldson, however, has yet to gather enough votes at any challenge to replace Trimble as the UUP leader. Instead, his challenges seem to erode Trimble's failing authority and suspend the UUP in a political limbo without a definitive leader.

    The root of the latest struggle is two different visions of the joint declaration as a means to the path toward implementing the Good Friday Peace Agreement.

    Donaldson, Smyth and Burnside wanted the party to outright reject the joint declaration which paves the way for five political annexes, including security normalization, policing and justice, human rights and equality, on-the-run paramilitaries and mechanisms to monitor the peace process. It also outlines a troop reduction to 5,000.

    Trimble, who did not openly embrace the joint declaration, suggested amending it rather than rejecting it.

    In fact what emerges in the UUP battle for control are two different visions of the UUP party-Trimble's moderate anti-Agreement UUP and Donaldson's more militant anti-Agreement UUP.

    Trimble has a good working relationship with British Prime Minister Tony Blair and has been successful at slowing down the pace of the Agreement. Donaldson, on the other hand, has seemed to have been taking his cues from Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party, which has enjoyed mounting popularity from unionist voters with their anti-Agreement stance.

    And the current UUP in fighting only strengthens the DUP's unified position, as they are perched to sweep the unionist vote in elections. This unionist instability is in large measure why the elections have been permanently postponed by the British government, who await some positive sign of unification within the UUP, their preferred unionist party.

    Donaldson, most recently, has been hinting that he is open to repositioning himself politically within the more moderate vision of the UUP. He has stated that if the conditions were right he would re-enter an all-inclusive power sharing assembly but stated that he would be tougher on Sinn Féin than his rival Trimble. He also suggested that he is seeking to restore a form of devolution and wants the UUP to reach a consensus on what they want from the process.

    Donaldson's latest comments delivered at the Northern Ireland Government Affairs Group drew condemnation from the UUP's David McNarry, an ally of Trimble's, who accused Donaldson of "side stepping" the UUP Council and attempting to continue his "defeated agenda."

    With the constant banter back and forth between UUP party members, it is hard to envision that the three weeks before the disciplinary action will foster anything but further discontent.

    But, former deputy leader Lord Kilcloney made a plea to both sides to find a way to bridge their differences and find a way forward; "I believe it is possible to avoid disciplinary committees, to avoid court cases and, more seriously, if we continue to go down this route, we could end up having to expel several unionist constituency associations."

  • Teaching The Values Of Getting On Chris Donnelly

    The Northern Ireland integrated education sector has now taken an important step forward in the green hills above Belfast. Addressing the needs of the youngest children in the north of Ireland, Lough View Integrated Primary (Elementary) School has opened an integrated preschool in Castlereagh, on the site of the existing primary school. More integrated preschools are in the planning stages, with start-ups planned throughout Northern Ireland in 2003 and 2004.

    Lough View School and the Integrated Education Fund celebrated the preschool's opening with a special ceremony held on the school grounds on May 28, 2003. The preschool represents one of five new initiatives being funded by the IEF, following the release of research results from Dr Paul Connelly of the University of Ulster showing that sectarian attitudes begin developing and even hardening among children as young as three to six years old.

    The promotion of integrated education in Northern Ireland is among the goals set forth in the Good Friday Agreement. The sector has received the active support of Minister of Education Martin McGuinness, who successfully secured increased funding for integrated schools before the devolved Northern Ireland government was "suspended" on October 14, 2002. According to McGuinness: "The Good Friday Agreement states that an essential aspect of the reconciliation process is the promotion of a culture of tolerance at every level of society, including initiatives to facilitate and encourage integrated education."

    The integrated education sector dates back to the early 1980s, when parent groups in various locales throughout the north of Ireland began seeking alternatives to the segregated school system that continues to educate more than 90 percent of school children of all ages in Northern Ireland. Lough View opened in 1993, founded by a parents' group to serve south, south-east, and east Belfast. The school began operations with just twenty-four students. Today its attendance is almost 300.

    The integrated schools maintain a common goal of a minimum of 30 percent of total student enrollment from the local minority community (which may be either Catholic or Protestant). Faculty and staff must also be drawn from both the Catholic and the Protestant communities. Programs promoting respect and understanding of both traditions characterize the schools. Accommodations are made for Catholic children to prepare for the sacraments of Confession, First Communion, and Confirmation. Typically, entire classes from both communities attend important events such as their classmates' First Communions. Similarly, Catholic children might attend the annual Harvest church services of their Protestant schoolmates in October of each year.

    The number of integrated schools and the total integrated school student population continue to grow despite some Unionist opposition, which is usually justified by reference to the polite fiction that Catholic families in the north are free to enroll their children in the state schools ("state controlled schools") of the province. Technically, the Unionist objectors are correct. However, the state controlled schools are invariably overwhelmingly Protestant, not only in their student body enrollments but in faculty, staffing, cultural and educational programs, and official ties to local Protestant churches.

    Similarly, Catholic schools will accept non-Catholic enrollees. However, few Protestant families will seriously consider the option of immersing their school-age children in the Catholic traditions. Historically, families of all communities, Catholic, Protestant, mixed-marriage, and "other," have lacked the option of placing their children in genuinely integrated schools.

    The expanding integrated school sector provides a realistic and desirable choice to many families. Demand among parents of school-age children continues to outstrip supply. But the sector continues to grow with the support of institutions and individuals in Northern Ireland and elsewhere, including private donors and influential people from the public sector, such as the US special envoy to Northern Ireland Richard Haas. Acknowledging the continuing demand, Mr. Haas recently stated: "At present, integrated schools are oversubscribed and underfunded. Martin McGuinness told me that the number of children attending integrated schools would double to 10 percent if enough schools and classrooms were built."

    Overall, the school-age population in the North has dropped slightly in recent years, with only schools in the integrated sector experiencing net growth. Today, the sector counts twenty-nine primary schools, and eighteen second-level colleges (secondary schools).

    However underfunding continues to trouble the sector. Typically, new integrated schools receive no direct capital support from the government. They rely on private foundation funding, primarily through the Belfast-headquartered IEF. The parent groups founding new integrated schools are also supported by informational and logistical assistance from the Northern Ireland Council on Integrated Education (NICIE). In addition to its ongoing support for primary and secondary schools, in 2003 the IEF has committed over $500,000 to the establishment of new integrated preschools.

    State support kicks in only upon new integrated schools demonstrating that they have met government-established "viability" criteria-a process that takes several years. Before the suspension of the Executive established through the Good Friday Agreement, McGuinness took another critical step in support of the integrated education movement. He implemented a less restrictive set of viability thresholds, thus bringing new integrated schools to viability and state support sooner than was previously the case.

    By the end of 2003, the number of integrated schools in Northern Ireland will have risen to fifty. However, the future prospects of the sector are far from certain. Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionist Party remains opposed to the integrated education sector. Sammy Wilson, the DUP's education spokesman, could conceivably succeed McGuinness as the Minister of Education if and when the Executive is reactivated following possible elections later this year. Assembly member Wilson has openly expressed his party's hostility to the integrated schools. However, few people expect that any individual will be able to eliminate a movement, now in its third decade, that draws its origins primarily from parents looking for better opportunities for their school-age children.


    To learn more about the integrated schools in Northern Ireland, contact the Integrated Education Fund at www.ief.org.uk, or the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education at www.nicie.org

  • Irish Journalist Held in Israel In Case Of Mistaken Identity by Breda Heffernan

A Northern Ireland man, arrested in Israel and held for five days on suspicion of being an IRA bomb-making expert aiding Palestinian militants, has returned home safely following his ordeal.

Seán Ó Muireagáin, a 42-year-old journalist and Irish language activist from the nationalist Turf Lodge district of West Belfast, told a press conference on his return to Ireland that, although initially held by the Israeli army as part of a "random" check on foreigners entering the West Bank, he believes intervention from British intelligence led to the bomb-maker allegations.

The Israeli defense, who were on the look-out for foreigners entering a training camp for the International Solidarity Movement, stopped Ó Muireagáin who was in the region researching the twinning of an Irish Bunscoil (elementary school) in Belfast with a primary school in Jenin. "I think I was just stopped randomly," he said.

"Then the British sent them information, all this mad bomber stuff, and the Israelis realised 'This is a great news' and put it out into the press immediately," he added.

Ó Muireagáin believes the British intelligence services were involved in the arrest as his Israeli interrogators knew intimate details about his family-despite never contacting them or allowing the Irishman to phone them. Also when his interrogators began the bomb-making line of questioning they showed him a six-page document in English, previously any documents they had shown him were in Hebrew. "That's when they started coming on with 'we know who you are,'" added Ó Muireagáin.

Ó Muireagáin who was also reporting for the daily Irish language newspaper, Lá, was arrrested on the outskirts of Ramallah. He was strip-searched on the street, blindfolded and handcuffed and taken to a "dungeon-like" cell which was bathed in light 24 hours a day. Although he said he had not been physically abused while in custody, he said he was deprived of sleep.

He agreed to undergo a lie-detector test-which he passed-yet was held for a further three days and was denied access to a lawyer and the British consulate in Tel Aviv.

Despite no official statement from the Israeli authorities, Israeli radio quoted officials saying they had "increasing doubts" that Ó Muireagáin was the person police had intended to detain. It was soon reported as a case of "mistaken identity" and that the man at the centre of British intelligence claims was another John Morgan (the English version of Seán Ó Muireagáin) from south Armagh who was known to security services in the North.

Ó Muireagáin was released and taken directly to the airport in a police car where he caught the flight home first to Heathrow in London-where he was interviewed by the Metropolitan police-and then onwards to Belfast.

Ó Muireagáin uses both the Irish and English versions of his name and, although he admits to having served a two-year jail sentence for handling stolen goods in what is believed to be an IRA-linked robbery, he denies ever having been involved in the out-lawed paramilitary group or the republican movement.

However an Israeli government source revealed to the British Times newspaper that they had detained the man the British had intended them to and that they still believe Ó Muireagáin to be involved with the IRA. "We are satisfied that we got the John Morgan we were looking for and that he was the one they (the British) thought he was," he said.

"But we are convinced he was not this bomber or bombmaker that was described in some quarters that came here to link up with Hamas or something like that. He does have connections to the IRA. But we are concerned about what he might do here; we are not concerned about what he might have done in the past," he added.

Some nationalists believe the whole incident was a carefully stage-managed exercise between the British and Israel governments to show a "shining example of Anglo-Irish co-operation in the war against terrorism," particularly as Ariel Sharon was in London at the time. One Irish newspaper described it as what should have been a "propaganda coup."

Meanwhile, politicians in the North have welcomed Ó Muireagáin's release but controversy surrounds the whole episode. Sinn Féin's Bairbre de Brún said. "Serious questions remain to be answered surrounding the role of British intelligence agencies in the initial arrest and elements of the media in the subsequent coverage of this incident."

Sean Farren of the SDLP warned that if it is proved that Ó Muireagáin was detained as a result of information passed on from British security services, then "the British as well as the Israeli security services have questions to answer."

The UUP's Jeffrey Donaldson, while maintaining that the source of the information is "not clear," said; "Clearly Mr Morgan and his family are entitled to an explanation."

  • Irish Economy Slowing Down by Susan Rafferty

July saw the loss of thousands of jobs in Ireland as the Irish economy began to reflect other ailing world economies.

The Guinness group, owned by umbrella company Diageo, announced that nearly 40 staff would be redistributed throughout the group and 135 operator staff would have to be let go between the North of Ireland and the Republic. Guinness stated that these personnel and staffing changes were required to ensure a more efficient service and improve profit margins.

The telecommunications systems manufacturers, Volex, are closing down with the loss of 170 jobs. While the company will retain 70 personnel to staff it's European headquarters situated in Castlebar, company officials said that the slowing trend in the global market for telecommunications was the cause of the closure of it's Irish manufacturing business. The cable assembly company is reassigning the operations to other Volex factories in Croatia and Poland

Enda Kenny, Fine Gael opposition leader and local TD took the opportunity to lash out at the government saying that it was responsible for the uncompetitive nature of the Irish economy due to stealth taxation, high inflation rates and reckless party political spending. He went on to state the alarming statistic that 200 people joined the social welfare lines for every day that the Dáil had sat in 2003. He warned that if measures were not taken then the Live Register of the unemployed would reach 200,000 if not more by the year's end.

In the South East, Waterford Crystal employs 1,500 people in it's Dungarvan and Waterford city plants. However the company announced that it is hoping to save Euro 15 million by laying off 129 temporary positions and seeking 105 voluntary redundancies. The redundancies are not only being looked for from permanent manufacturing staff but also in the support and management areas.

Management defended the controversial moves saying that it was an effort to strengthen the company's competitive position. However union representatives called the decision a disgrace as it was the workers who made the profits which the company is about to announce. The unions hope to meet management to discuss the situation before any firing is carried out.

While An Tánaiste, Mary Harney, agrees that the rate of job losses is too high she described the situation as a challenge for the government to home in on ways of making the country competitive. However the Economic and Social Research Institute has advised that the current trend in job losses is set to continue for another year and a half and the level of unemployment will rise to 6 percent by midyear in 2004. They cautioned that the manufacturing sector would bear the brunt of the losses, but forecast a growth rate of 5 percent for the 5 years after.

Their analysis of the situation was that the principal reason behind the slowing Irish economy was the lethargic worldwide markets and they added that the Government could only partially shield the country from the fickleness of present international economics.

Commenting on the forthcoming budget at the opening of a new orthodontic unit for the Northern Area Health Board, An Taoiseach Bertie Ahern warned that it would be the toughest yet.

  • Father Seeks Justice On Son's Death by Susan Rafferty

At the end of March 2001 Adrian Moynihan of Ballyvolane, Cork, died inside the doors of Sidetrax nightclub in Cork city.

His death followed a quarrel with staff at the entrance to the club. Marie Cassidy, the Assistant State pathologist, carried out a post mortem on the body and indicated that death was not by natural causes. A murder investigation ensued which involved questioning staff and patrons of the nightclub amounting to about 200 interviews and examination of CCTV and security footage. Following the death, 3 men were arrested from across the Cork area. A file was sent to the Director of Public Prosecutions but no charges were brought against any suspects.

In June of last year an inquest was held into the 23-year-old's death. The man's parents pleaded for the case to be re-opened. However again the Director of Public Prosecutions did not bring any charges to bear. Earlier this summer Andrew Moynihan, father of the dead man, staged a hunger strike outside the Dáil in the hopes that the case of his son's death would be re examined. Mr Moynihan met with Adrian Culligan, Assistant Garda Commissioner, recently in Cork city. Mr Culligan told him that a file on his son's case had been sent to Michael Mc Dowell, Minister for Justice, who had given a commitment to read it.



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